People want strength. They want American values. They want American interests. They want to be successful. And I'd say that's on both sides of the aisle, as well as any divisions even on the Republican side.

You know, I would like to think that the right way to do things is that the people who actually have the jobs that are nominated by the president, confirmed by the Senate, have responsibility for different regions in the world - that they have responsibility for the policy.

People want strength. They want American values. They want American interests. They want to be successful. And I'd say that's on both sides of the aisle, as well as any divisions even on the Republican side.

The way I think of it is that Russia is not going to change fundamentally. They may change tactics; they may look at their interests and figure out what actions they take, but they're not going to change fundamentally. And they're going to try to gauge what will the responses be to things that they do, and what will our things be. And here, they do wonder what is the level of our resolve? How far are we willing to go? And that is something that is very hard to gauge.

You know, Russia brings it on. People don't want to be Russia hawk. People would like - that's what the president always says: We would like to get along with Russia. But what Russia is doing makes it really hard.

If we are going to have any improvement in U.S.-Russia relations - which I think should be an objective of the United States - we don't want to stay where we are. We'd like for this to be more constructive. Then we're going to have to see progress on Ukraine.

We shouldn't be lowering standards for NATO membership; we have to insist on democracy, reform, market economy, anti-corruption, reformed military, contributions to common security, interoperability - all the things that the Czechs had to do, the Poles had to do - they're still on the table. Which means that Ukraine is a long way away from getting to that point.