From my perspective, we actually have to have a stronger, bolder economic message that's not just for white working-class voters, but for people who don't go to college who are white, black, Latino, or wherever. We have to communicate that we care about Detroit and Appalachia, and people suffering in both are problems for the country and a problem for the Democratic Party, not just one or just the other.

I do think that the Trump presidency, even for the resistance, there is pre-Charlottesville and a post-Charlottesville moment, and Donald Trump's response to Charlottesville was a kind of extraordinarily shameful moment, I think, actually for the country.

I think that Democrats have to think through answers we haven't in the past: How we are going to create those jobs? How should we restructure the entire tax code? Should we have things like a payroll tax, when jobs are so scarce? They weren't - basically the architecture of our employment law, tax law, all these things were from the 1930s - and I do think that one benefit of Donald Trump, which is not worth it, but one perverse thing is, he has widened the scope of things that we should discuss.

So far Trump has done everything he could possibly do to pit Americans against each other, to sow division, to fuel distrust of American against American, to adopt a kind of Bannonite strategy of fueling racial antagonism, xenophobic antagonism against Dreamers, et cetera.

I think Trump wanted to use his 2016 campaign to basically say to a lot of folks that liberals hate you. And we have to show a bolder economic plan than we have before, one, I think, that needs to be focused on jobs, that communicates to those voters that we do care, that we care as much about their success as any other success, anyone else's success.

I hate to say that not everything is politics, but not everything is politics.

Religious liberty should mean religious liberty for everyone, employees as well.